Therefore, of some social and political sectors over others, and was consolidated under the control of some elites. . On the one hand, there are those who say that the weakness of the state, due in part to the permanent Treasury crises caused by the maintenance of the privileges of the old regime, and the little support of large sections of the bourgeoisie for the character conservative of the liberal revolution, it is the cause of the weak process of nationalization, of the little incidence of the State in the vertebración of a Spanish nation. It would be

Therefore, the one that brought about. The weak awareness of Spanish identity, of a common and shared project, allowed the emergence of alternative national projects, with the corresponding political parties and movements, and the construction of alternative national identities. Let us look, at least, at the territories in which these nationalist movements appeared: in those where, together with historical, cultural and linguistic particularities, they also had a different degree of economic development and social cohesion.

Alternative And Peripheral Nationalisms

The nationalizing century coincided in Spain with a chronic lack of public resources and a serious and permanent political crisis (instability, hectic succession of political. From Turkey Phone Number 808 onwards, however, as in the surrounding countries, the political-administrative construction of the modern Spanish state began, that is, the reorganization of the complex absolutist and imperial structure of the Old Regime to turn it into a machinery already adjusted to its peninsular territories, over which it sought to exercise effective

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The  to be appli by carrying out a legal and administrative homogenization of the territories. It was justifi to eliminate inequalities but also because it want to give a unique image of the social body. The nation had to be visible and one way to achieve this was to divide the territory. So regularly that it was perceiv as unique and “common”. The name “province” was adopt, a term us by the Old Regime to designate the various and relatively autonomous territories of the Spanish monarchy. The basic unit of the centraliz organization, govern by a non.

Province Thus Became The

Therefore, An attempt was also made to carry out a legal homogenization, ordering and codifying the whole set of laws from the Middle Ages. In practice, however, the political-administrative structure was less integrative than the laws reflect. Political elites confused uniformity and centralization with nationalization. A state was certainly. But it did not represent society, nor did it channel its demands, nor did it seriously influence it. The issue of state weakness is at the heart of the debate between Juan Pablo Fusi. Who states that nineteenth-century Spain was already a fully

Therefore, forged and mature nation. Which only since the end of the 1898 crisis has been denied and threatened. By emerging peripheral nationalisms, and attributes the nationalizing failure to social processes and a poor and precarious state. And Borja de Riquer, who defends the thesis of a real localism due to the relative failure. Of the liberal state of the nineteenth century to forge a nation through an effective nationalizing policy. And attributes the nationalizing failure to the nature and weakness of the Spanish elite. On what basis has the discourse of Spanish nationalism been built. It is worth mentioning, first of all, that

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