The way in which, we see distributed guilt and innocence also reflects the rules by which we are. Willing to respect each other.” In short, the two elements that make up this critical memory arethe recovery of. The past – the memory – and the updating of the past through a vision of the whole – the critique. In the case of Spain, when dealing with the relationship. With the past – and this is happening in the constituent process of 1978. It is preferable to forget the most recent history in the name of a national reconciliation. The Spanish right prefers to construct
Therefore, parliamentary condemnthe Franco coup, it has always oppos an investigation into the murders committ- Garzón case). The critical facet of Habermas’s thought is also mutilat, since in the face of the critical recovery of the past that Habermas proposes here we find chronic oblivion. With interest and uncritical memory. Secondly, the real substratum of citizenship in. Relation to the national question is antithetical in the case of Spain and Germany. The sociological reality in which both patriotisms are is antagonistic. In Germany prior to the 1989 unification there was a social
In The Postwar Period
Therefore, agreement on the for unity around a single constitution.- “an unequivocal expression of the national will for reunification.” In fact, in a strict sense, in Germany there was Spain Phone Number o national question, if by this expression we mean the discrepancies that arise in a state about what is consider a nation. Existing disagreements were relat to the type of union, not the union itself. In Spain there is no unanimous will for national unity. That Spain is a nation and that the citizens of the Spanish state consider themselves members of this nation – this was the sociological presupposition in Germany – is not an idea to be given
The Spanish nation does not arouse such an adherence as to allow speech of ideological consensusnecessary to establish a common national consciousness (and, according to Habermas, national consciousness operates as a substrate for the Republican mentality). National unity would not be included among the social meanings that In short, while in Germany national unity was one of the budgets for the legitimacy of all political action, in Spain it was, and is, an impediment to that legitimacy. Third, the articulation of constitutional patriotism is conceiv in the.
Consolidate And Cohesive Society
Therefore, opposite way in Habermas’s version and that of the PP. And this for two reasons. a) The first reason, for the different character assigned to the will in the process of national. Formation and because the constitutional patriotism habermasià uses the concept of political. Nation and ends in the defense of a civic nationalism . A political nation is to be understood as any nation. That uses the will of its constituent members as the fundamental. Key to nation-building – and not as a whole nation based on the pre-existence of a state, as the dominant doctrine claims. Conversely, by cultural nationIt is necessary to
Therefore, understand the whole nation that uses objective elements, outside the will of the members of that nation. To achieve the construction of the nation – and not the whole nation that lacks a state and aspires to it. Habermas’s theory is in line with the will of the members as a determining factor in the national definition.. If we take the Republican mentality seriously – the element that serves as the democratic legitimacy of the nation – we must include the political will of the members of the nation. It must be “the citizens.