Therefore, ‘sentiment’, as shown by Habermas’s way of presenting ‘constitutional patriotism’. The feeling that citizens should have in a liberal democracy to be the creators of their constitution. Habermas believes in the possibility of establishing a patriotism of the constitution in the. Feral Republic bason the “willingness to identify with the political order and. Constitutional principles” as a solution to the complicated formation of a. German identity which must dispense with the reference to the past. What Habermas proposes is to build a concept of a German nation of political roots. In the sense of free adherence to certain values.
National consciousness and republican mentality are the two components for combining individual and collective freom (nationalism is ethically delegitimiz when, by exclusion or tax, it is oppos to the inclusive logic of democracy). This presentation of the central ideas of constitutional patriotism in Habermas has to do with the fact that constitutional patriotism has settl into the Spanish political debate, especially from a paper by the Popular Party (XIV Congress, 2002) and has become a concept us by Spanish nationalism to clarify and argue its position on the national question. the reference to Habermas gives authority to the argument; on the other hand,
On The One Hand
it is a construction suitable for reaching a compromise solution. The allusion to the homeland satisfies the desires of traditional Spanish nationalism, and the allusion to the Constitution South Korea Phone Number Gives the most moderate Spanish nationalists the balm to alleviate their reactionaryism, as the Constitution is directly synonymous with coexistence, pluralism , tolerance, etc. The historical situation in which the patriotism of the constitution arose in Germany was very similar to the current. Spanish situation. In both countries the question of the best national articulation was rais. And in both countries state nationalism had left a bloody memory, so trying to found. A nation on its past and tradition was an unsuccessful attempt. .
Is it enough to consider Spain a nation as stated in the constitutional text? What does the People’s Party’s view of the Habermasian approach not take into account? First, the relationship with the past established by Habermas’s theory and that of the People’s Party is not the same. The German philosopher positions himself between blindly following tradition and self-indulgent moralization using critical memory .. “We cannot look for our own traditions, butit is up to us to decide how we can pursue them (…) since every pursuit of tradition is selective, and it is precisely this selectivity that has to go through the filter of criticism today, of a conscious appropriation of one’s own history, ”says Habermas.
We Must Know That
With the patriotism of the constitution, collective identity finds its limits in the postulates of universalization of democracy and human rights, but the form of national identity formthrough historical consciousness is not renounc. “The same universalist content will have to be assum in each case from its own historical context and be anchor in its own cultural forms of life. All collective identity, including post-national, it is much more concrete than the set of moral, legal and political principles around which it crystallizes ”. Thus, although constitutional
Therefore, patriotism must necessarily be nourished by the legacy of cultural tradition – “national traditions still. A way of life that occupies a privileged place” – it must change the central point of legitimacy. Collective it must move from national consciousness and identity to the universalization of democracy and human rights. The key to critical memory stems from. The to account for history and tradition. Tradition does not acquire legitimacy because it is passed down from generation to generation. Memory is necessary, but it is not enough. There is no innocence in the gaze; it is the way of looking that determines both what is looked at and the place from which it is looked at. “